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Case
study
1
The purpose of
this paper is to analyse how the
political leadership of the
(Socialist) Republic of Serbia
(henceforth the Serbian leadership)
achieved control over the Yugoslav
People’s Army (JNA) in the period
between the late 1980s and early
1992.
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Case
study 2
Yugoslavia broke
up twenty years ago, but the story
of its disintegration and of the
international community’s response
to the carnage which followed it
remains relevant today. Most
obviously, the people of
Yugoslavia’s successor states still
have to live with the consequences
of that breakup.
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Case
study 3
International
criminal trials do allow individuals
to be held accountable for what may
have been state violence committed
through institutional state
structures and state bureaucracies;
but a focus on individual criminal
responsibility in the investigation
into and prosecution of alleged mass
atrocities has a number of potential
pitfalls.
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Case
study 4
During the war in
the nineties in the former
Yugoslavia (SFRJ), there were at
least eight prison camps on the
territory of the Republic of Serbia.
During the period between October
1991 and mid-August 1992, there were
six camps for Croats which were
formed by the Yugoslav People's Army
(JNA) and the Military Security.
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Case
study 5
Over twenty years
on, authors and scholars still
differ in their interpretations of
the mass violence committed against
Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks) in the
1992-1995 conflict in Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
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Case
study 6
The historians who
studied the historical sources on
the Battle of Kosovo, from Ilarion
Ruvarac and Ljubomir Kovačević, the
founder of critical historiography
in Serbia, to Sima Ćirković, who
studied the relevant sources during
the last decades of the 20th
century, concluded that there
existed few reliable sources on it.
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Case
study 7
Popper’s
observations about common tendencies
of the policies of contemporary
totalitarianisms as illustrative of
a closed society are almost
completely applicable to the culture
in Serbia from mid-1980s till the
late 1990s: and that is to prevent
any outside influence that could
jeopardize the rigidity of
collective taboos, anti-humanism
standing against all egalitarian,
democratic and individualistic
initiatives, anti-universalism and
particularism in the service of the
partition between “us” and “others”
that dams introduction of
universalistic tendencies.
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