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In Pursuit of Unity: The
West and the Breakup of
Yugoslavia1 |
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Case
study 2
Yugoslavia broke
up twenty years ago, but the story
of its disintegration and of the
international community’s response
to the carnage which followed it
remains relevant today. Most
obviously, the people of
Yugoslavia’s successor states still
have to live with the consequences
of that breakup. Their region has
been economically devastated, as
well as socially and politically
divided. The ties between the
republics and peoples of the South
Slav union were dramatically severed
in a series of conflicts that gave a
new and more brutal meaning to the
term balkanisation. In order to
truly grasp the nature and the
repercussions of the conflicts which
accompanied Yugoslavia’s breakup,
one only needs to look at the ethnic
maps of the region before and after
the wars. In place of diverse
communities, large areas of the
former country are now defined by
the strictly delineated frontiers of
exclusion as between the two
constituent parts of
Bosnia-Herzegovina.
The significance
of the story of Yugoslavia’s
breakup, however, extends beyond the
borders of its successor states. The
Yugoslav crisis marked the beginning
of a new era in European affairs in
which the European Community –
transformed into the European Union
by the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992
– was to have a far greater role in
security matters. Yugoslavia was the
first true test of the post-Cold War
European order – test eagerly handed
over to the EC/EU by the
administration of George H. W. Bush.
‘It was time to make the Europeans
step up to the plate and show that
they could act as a unified power,’
US Secretary of State James Baker
later claimed.2 Or, as one more
cynical observer of US policy at the
time explained the decision of the
Bush administration to turn
Yugoslavia over to the Europeans,
‘Many, if not most, senior and
sub-cabinet-level officials
argued...that Europe would fail the
test, and so would be painfully
reminded of its continuing need for
a strong American presence.’3
To say that the
EC/EU failed the Yugoslav test would
be a dramatic understatement. Its
failure was demonstrated not only by
the humiliating inability of its
diplomats and foreign policy makers
to halt the process which turned the
former Yugoslav region from a
front-runner of East European
reforms into a dark hole on the map
of Europe whose troubles continue to
destabilise the continent to this
day. The failure of the EC/EU was
also demonstrated by the actual
manner in which its diplomats and
foreign policy makers displayed
their futility. With every new
violent twist in the crisis they
appeared to be more concerned with
outmanoeuvring each other than with
solving real issues on the ground.
At a time when the EC was deepening
its integration in much more than
economic matters and supposedly
becoming a united international
actor, the divisions and the
diplomatic gamesmanship of its
foreign policy makers made their
whole involvement appear as if it
belonged to the nineteenth and not
to the brink of the twenty-first
century. Their failures in
Yugoslavia were indeed so
devastating and so profound that the
transformation of the EC/EU into a
unified actor capable of any common
foreign policy was for years rightly
considered to be impossible.
Although Western
leaders took their failures from the
time of Yugoslavia’s dissolution
(1989-1991) to a whole new level
during the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina
(1992-1995), their responses to the
Yugoslav crisis marked the beginning
of a significant shift in their
conceptions of a series of aspects
of international security.
Yugoslavia’s breakup had great
influence on the theory and practice
of humanitarian intervention,
preventive diplomacy, conflict
management, international
arbitration, and the role of the
United Nations, the EU and NATO in
all of that and more. NATO’s 1999
Operation Allied Force which led to
the withdrawal of Serbia’s troops
from Kosovo, for example, was a
direct product of the West’s lessons
about the regime of Slobodan
Milošević from the wars in Croatia
and Bosnia-Herzegovina. And the
impact of the success of that
operation on Western perceptions of
and responses to a number of
international crises – from Iraq to
Libya – was profound.
The story of
Yugoslavia’s breakup also remains
relevant today because it sheds a
revealing light on a momentous
period in the history of Europe. The
end of the Cold War was a time when
all sources of stability which
stemmed from the balance of power
between the two blocs rapidly
disappeared with dramatic
consequences. Whereas Western Europe
followed the withdrawal of the
Soviet threat with an unprecedented
acceleration of integrative efforts,
vital East European structures
crumbled together with Moscow’s
power. The end of the Cold War was
ushering in a different era for the
continent and the entire world. The
EC/EU was supposed to act in unison
and to lead Europe toward becoming
whole and free. With the successful
experience of the Persian Gulf
intervention, the United Nations was
supposed to no longer be a paralysed
guardian of international collective
security, and the United States was
supposed to lead the global
community toward a new order in
which aggression would not be
tolerated. Great powers were
supposed to be willing to take on
medium powers in order to protect
small powers.4 And yet, at least when
it came to Yugoslavia, that was not
the case.
So why did the
Western powers fail to arrest
Yugoslavia’s descent into violence?
And why did their diplomatic efforts
result in such profound divisions?
In order to understand the roots of
Western policies toward the breakup
of Yugoslavia, we must first
reconstruct the decision making
process of the Western leaders – to
read history forward. And in order
to do that, we have to be able to
answer two fundamental questions:
what did the Western policy makers
know about Yugoslavia and when did
they know it? Although most official
documents from that period are still
unavailable to researchers,
declassification through various
freedom of information acts has
enabled us to get a glimpse at what
was known about Yugoslavia in
Western cabinets at the time. The US
Central Intelligence Agency –
possibly because it performed
remarkably well in estimating the
development of the Yugoslav crisis –
has thus far been the most
forthcoming in this regard. Although
Yugoslavia was virtually an open
book to Western media which followed
its long descent into mayhem in
detail, the reports of the CIA from
the period give additional weight to
our assessment of what was known and
when. The analysis of those reports
is unequivocal: the White House (and
likely all other decision making
centres in the West since
intelligence was most often pooled
and Yugoslavia was thoroughly
covered by all intelligence agencies
due to its Cold War geopolitical
position) had extensive and detailed
information on what was taking place
in Yugoslavia. And the conclusion of
that information was clear: the
principal culprit for the
destabilisation of the South Slav
federation was the Serbian regime of
Slobodan Milošević which first
wanted to recentralise Yugoslavia
and – once that failed in early 1990
– to build a Greater Serbia on its
ruins.
From the very
onset of Milošević’s nationalist
campaign in the spring of 1987,
which was focused on the status of
Kosovo, until the beginning of real
war in Croatia in the summer of
1991, the CIA provided detailed and
most often exceptionally prescient
analyses of Yugoslav developments
and of the poisonous effects of the
actions of Milošević’s regime.5 Its
reports from the spring, summer, and
fall of 1987, for example, clearly
identified Serbia’s leadership under
Milošević as the main instigator of
tensions in Kosovo which were to be
used as a pretext to reassert full
control over the province. The
reports suggested this policy was
fatal for the state of inter-ethnic
relations in Kosovo and possibly the
whole of Yugoslavia.6 The goal of
Milošević’s regime in unleashing
Serbian nationalism fomented by the
status of Kosovo onto Yugoslavia
was, however, not limited to
Serbia’s borders. An extensive CIA
report from 1 August 1987, for
instance, asserted that Yugoslavia
still could ‘revert to greater
authoritarianism or collapse into
instability,’ primarily due to the
threat from the centralist camp run
by Serbia’s leadership whose ‘hidden
agenda’ was to ‘use recentralisation
to re-establish its dominance over a
unified Yugoslavia.’7 Once
Milošević’s regime started a large
campaign of mass rallies and
demonstrations directed at its
opponents within and outside of
Serbia (which led The Economist in
the fall of 1988 to nickname the
Serbian leader ‘Mussovic’8), the CIA
was clear that the ultimate goal of
that campaign was to ‘produce a
Serbian-led national regime
dominated by Milošević.’9
The Agency’s most
impressive intelligence work
arguably came in the fall of 1990
with a sequence of reports which
culminated in the now famous
National Intelligence Estimate
titled ‘Yugoslavia Transformed’.10
According to this NIE, Yugoslavia
was to cease to function as a
federal state within one year and
dissolve within two. ‘No
all-Yugoslav political movement has
emerged to fill the void left by the
collapse of the Titoist vision of a
Yugoslav state, and none will.’ This
included the Federal Prime Minister
Ante Marković, whose reform
achievements were seen as ‘mostly
illusory’. All alternatives to
dissolution, particularly the
confederal plan which Slovenia and
Croatia were proposing at the time,
were to be defeated because of
Serbia’s opposition out of its fear
of losing influence. In fact,
Serbia’s manoeuvring space was so
limited that it was to be able to
‘“save” the unity of the Serbian
folk only at risk of civil war.’
Such a conflict was seen as
particularly likely in Kosovo where
there were signs of a developing
‘protracted armed uprising of
Albanians.’ Civil war was seen as
less likely to develop in the form
of open inter-republic warfare, but
was still deemed dangerously
possible. ‘The most plausible
scenario for inter-republic
violence,’ according to the CIA, was
‘one in which Serbia, assisted by
disaffected Serbian minorities in
the other republics, moves to
reincorporate disputed territory
into a greater Serbia, with [text
illegible] and bloody shifts of
population. The temptation to engage
in such adventures will grow during
the period of this Estimate.’
While the
declassified CIA reports from this
period are highly indicative of the
sophistication of intelligence on
Yugoslavia available to Western
diplomats and foreign policy makers,
this of course does not necessarily
mean that those reports were read or
taken seriously. The issue is,
however, that Slobodan Milošević and
his associates openly announced
their strategic goals both in public
as well as in private meetings with
their Western interlocutors.
Milošević himself, for example, at a
luncheon meeting with the Western
ambassadors in Belgrade on 16
January 1991 openly and confidently
announced Serbia’s plans for a new
pan-Serb state on the ruins of
Yugoslavia. He asserted that he was
ready to let Slovenia go, that
Macedonia was still under
discussion, but that the
Serb-inhabited regions of
Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia were
to be part of the new state. His
warning to the ambassadors was
explicit and clearly implied the use
of the Yugoslav Army (JNA), which
was already clearly in his camp: ‘If
[the new Serb state] is not
attainable peacefully, one forces
Serbia to use the tools of power
which we possess, but [the other
republics] do not.’11 Declassified
documents of the Foreign Office show
that six weeks later Milošević made
a similar argument to the British
delegation led by the then Minister
of State Douglas Hogg.12
Documents of the
Western governments from the period
after the beginning of real war in
Slovenia and Croatia in the summer
of 1991, however, are much more
difficult to come by. The process of
declassification is long,
convoluted, and most often
unsuccessful. Obviously, the wars
and the international diplomatic
efforts were thoroughly covered by
the Western media so it would be
difficult for anyone to argue that
the strategic objectives or the
methods of the war machine
controlled by Milošević’s regime
were unclear. If there are any
doubts, however, what ought to
dispel them is the truly remarkable
evidence which surfaced during the
trial of Slobodan Milošević in The
Hague: more than two hundred
intercepts of telephone
conversations within Milošević’s
inner circle from the period between
May 1991 and May 1992.13 The story of
how these intercepts were created
and eventually used by the Tribunal
and released into the public sphere
is partly shrouded in mystery. The
Counterintelligence Service of the
Yugoslav Army, the State Security
Service of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and
different foreign intelligence
services (usually British and
American) all feature more or less
prominently in the various
interpretations of the origin of the
intercepts. Whatever the case may
be, it is certain that the Tribunal
ultimately acquired the intercepts
from the British and American
governments, though only after a
protracted public battle which was
particularly heated with the
Conservative government of John
Major.
No matter which
intelligence service created the
intercepts, credible press sources
suggest that Western intelligence
services were in possession of the
intercepts virtually as the recorded
conversations were taking place.
Their ‘contemporaneous intelligence’
in fact ‘convinced them that
Milošević’s responsibility for
ethnic cleansing and the general
conduct of the war in 1991 and ‘92
were direct and clear… It was an
elaborate and very systematic series
of campaigns, employing a
combination of military assets and
local paramilitaries.’14 Indeed, the
intercepts presented as evidence at
The Hague Tribunal substantiate the
claims that the mechanism of the
Serbian war machine which
undoubtedly committed horrendous
crimes during the war in Croatia and
later Bosnia-Herzegovina was
constructed and commanded by
Milošević and his closest
associates. The analysis of the
intercepts also strongly suggests
that Milošević’s war machine had a
very specific strategic goal crafted
by Serbia’s most renowned
nationalist ideologues. This goal
was ‘the unification of Serbs’ in a
new Greater Serbian state that would
be built on the ruins of federal
Yugoslavia at the expense of both
Croatia and of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
What did the
Western diplomats and foreign policy
makers, therefore, know about
Yugoslavia and when did they know
it? It seems safe to conclude that
they most likely had all the
necessary information, and that they
had it in real time. The dynamics
and the driving forces of
Yugoslavia’s steady descent to war
were self-evident to anyone paying
attention, often openly
pre-announced, and accurately
analysed by those whose task it was
to analyse them. Besides, the
Yugoslav crisis evolved over a long
period of time and its slide toward
extreme violence was gradual.
Nothing about its development was
either sudden or novel.
And what can we
say about the actual responses of
Western diplomats and foreign policy
makers to the events in Yugoslavia?
According to Sir Percy Cradock, who
served as the chairman of the Joint
Intelligence Committee and the
foreign policy advisor to the UK
prime minister, foreign policy at
the time was most profoundly
affected by the rapid pace of events
in a number of international
theatres – from the Persian Gulf to
the dissolving Soviet Union and the
uniting Germany: ‘Policy
recommendations were made by
overstretched advisers working at
breakneck speed and digested by
leaders under even greater stress.
This meant a dependence on idées
reçues, drafts on a dwindling
intellectual capital amassed years
before.’15 And according to the then
UK ambassador in Belgrade, Sir Peter
Hall, this dependence led to his
government and the governments of
other Western powers basing their
Yugoslav policies on the idée reçue
that the struggling federation had
to remain united.16 Such a position
closely mirrored the prevalent fears
in Western capitals regarding the
consequences of a possible Soviet
breakup. As one State Department
official told the US congressmen who
were eager for the United States to
act in favour of Croatia and
Slovenia in the summer of 1991,
‘Don’t make a big deal about them.
The Serbs are trying to hold the
country together... Don’t break up
[Yugoslavia] because [people in] the
Soviet Union will use it as a
model.’ And the consequences of the
Soviet Union breaking up could be
‘nuclear.’17 Information which was
steadily coming in from Yugoslavia
was thus most often not properly
responded to simply because it did
not fit this framework and because
it went against the obvious status
quo bias of the policy makers.
The perfect
example was the aforementioned
National Intelligence Estimate of
the CIA. According to the head of
the team of analysts who wrote the
NIE, Marten van Heuven, ‘nobody was
glad to get this predictive
assessment’ and, worse, it was
actually ‘ignored’.18 The US
ambassador in Belgrade Warren
Zimmermann and the Director of
European Affairs at the National
Security Council Robert Hutchings
explain the lack of impact of the
NIE by blaming the document’s ‘bald
assertion that nothing could be
done’ and the ‘smug finality with
which [its judgments] were
rendered.’19 This explanation provided
by two important players in the US
foreign policy team speaks volumes
about the thinking in the Bush
administration, particularly because
the NIE did not suggest ‘nothing
could be done’ – it suggested little
could be done to preserve the
Yugoslav federation. However, since
the Western powers at the time were
of the opinion that the support of
unity was the only thing worthwhile
doing in Yugoslavia, this was
exactly the problem with the NIE
which rendered the whole document
‘ignorable’ – it was simply telling
the US and Western policy makers
what they did not want to hear.
Indeed, if there
was one overarching feature of
Western policy toward Yugoslavia in
the run-up to its breakup (and
beyond), it was this clear
preference for the Yugoslav
federation to remain united. The
signals which the Yugoslav political
protagonists received from their
Western counterparts at every point
of Yugoslavia’s long crisis were not
those of destabilisation of the
federation or encouragement for its
various parts to pursue
independence. On the contrary – the
creators of Western policy were
virtually unanimous in giving little
or no support for the federation’s
periphery. What they did do was to
repeatedly indicate their strong
preference for Yugoslavia’s
continued existence and their
backing for the foundational pillars
of the central government in
Belgrade. No one with any influence
on Western foreign policy wished to
see Yugoslavia disintegrate.
This strong
preference for Yugoslavia’s unity
took the form of a number of
problematic policy choices in the
last years of Yugoslavia’s
existence. Western governments
turned a blind eye to the extremely
violent interventions of the police
and Army units against the Kosovo
Albanians in the late 1980s. They
had no reaction when Milošević
destroyed Yugoslavia’s
constitutional equilibrium by
obliterating Kosovo’s and
Vojvodina’s autonomies in all but
name in February and March of 1989.
They took the side of Milošević’s
camp in Yugoslavia’s long
inter-republican debates on whether
to centralise or devolve more power
to the republics between 1987 and
1990. They had no reaction to the
Belgrade-instigated mutiny of the
Krajina Serbs against the Croatian
government in August 1990. They
outright rejected Slovenia’s and
Croatia’s proposal for a Yugoslav
confederation in the fall of 1990.
And last, but not least, they gave
signals of understanding for a
possible intervention of the
Yugoslav Army. According to highest
Yugoslav officials, Western powers
signalled they would have no
reaction to a JNA intervention
against Slovenia in the spring of
1988 and in early December 1989.20 The
former UK ambassador in Belgrade,
Sir Peter Hall, claims that
‘certainly many people [in the West]
would have been vastly relieved if
the JNA had proved to be prepared to
actually step in for a federal
Yugoslavia.’21 Unsurprisingly, once
the JNA finally did intervene in
Slovenia in June 1991, a number of
Western governments offered
equivocal responses. Douglas Hurd’s
under-secretary, Mark Lennox-Boyd,
for example, suggested in the House
of Commons ‘that the Yugoslav
federal army might have, under the
constitution, a role in restoring
order if there were widespread civil
unrest.’22 All of this was largely the
product of that idée reçue that
Yugoslavia should be maintained
against all odds or reason. It was
also, however, the product of an
underlying sentiment – that went
against the available intelligence –
that Yugoslavia’s north-western
republics of Slovenia and Croatia
(which were clamouring for democracy
and devolution, and eventually for
independence) were more of a threat
to regional stability than
Milošević’s Serbia or the JNA.
Since a number of
popular accounts of the Yugoslav
events particularly single out the
newly unified Germany as supposedly
expanding the reach of its power to
the Balkans and flexing its new
foreign policy muscles by inducing
Slovenia and Croatia to pursue
independence and thus destabilising
Yugoslavia, it has to be clearly
said that such interpretations are
false. Until the breakout of real
war in the summer of 1991, German
foreign policy makers did not stray
from the international consensus on
the preservation of Yugoslavia’s
unity. Of all the members of the EC,
Germany had the strongest and most
developed economic and political
ties with Yugoslavia, and it was an
unofficial sponsor of Yugoslavia’s
efforts to deepen its relations with
the EC. In the words of Yugoslavia’s
last secretary for foreign affairs
Budimir Lončar – a man of clearly
Yugoslavist orientation – Germany
‘was very interested in seeing that
the Yugoslav crisis does not develop
into violent conflict. Anticipating
the changes in the East, it was
interested in Yugoslavia maintaining
its leading role, as a frontrunner
of better and easier transitions to
democracy. That is why Germany
supported Yugoslavia energetically.’23
According to intelligence reports
available to the Yugoslav leadership
in February 1991, Germany’s foreign
policy apparatus was unambiguously
supportive of Yugoslavia’s unity.24
German foreign policy makers
believed Yugoslavia’s continuing
existence was essential for regional
stability, but they also wished to
secure its unity because of their
interest in maintaining the unity of
the Soviet state. That is why,
according to a German diplomat
working on Yugoslav affairs in the
Auswärtiges Amt at the time,
‘Everything that was happening in
Yugoslavia was viewed through Soviet
glasses. [Foreign Minister
Genscher’s] idea was, “Well,
Yugoslavia disintegrating is a bad
example for Soviet disintegration,
and this was bad for us since we
needed a Soviet Union capable of
action because we needed to get a
deal with them on our unity.” This
was widely accepted in the
ministry.’25
This connection
between the events in the Soviet
Union and those in Yugoslavia was
indeed of crucial importance for
many Western foreign policy makers.
Their aforementioned questionable
policy choices in Yugoslavia which
were rooted in their strong
preference for its unity actually
closely mirrored their similar
policies toward the developments in
the USSR. Western responses to
reactionary relapses of the
Gorbachev regime in a series of
violent episodes from the Caucasus
to the Baltics in the period between
1989 and 1991 ranged from complete
silence to muted ambivalence. James
Baker notoriously remarked to his
associates ‘We’ve got no dog in this
fight,’ when he left Belgrade in
June 1991 after his unsuccessful
marathon of meetings with the
Yugoslav protagonists. His crass
remark epitomised his decision to
detach America from the Yugoslav
crisis. This was, however, not the
first time a high official in the
Bush administration stated the
United States ‘had no dog’ in an
East European ‘fight’. The
president’s national security
advisor, Brent Scowcroft, said the
same thing in April 1989 after the
Soviet troops violently suppressed
Georgian protests in Tbilisi.26 This
desire of the Western leaders to
discourage possible independence of
Soviet republics extended well into
the summer of 1991 and beyond – just
as it did in the case of Yugoslavia.
As President Bush stated in front of
the Ukrainian parliament in Kiev on
1 August 1991, ‘Freedom is not the
same as independence. Americans will
not support those who seek
independence in order to replace a
far-off tyranny with a local
despotism. They will not aid those
who promote a suicidal nationalism
based on ethnic hatred.’27
The main
conclusion we can draw from the
actions of the Western leaders at
the time is that the tectonic shifts
in the international system did not
make them embrace the opportunity to
mould the world into something
better or more just. The crumbling
of the Soviet bloc actually made
them concerned for the stability of
the European and global security
system. The end of the Cold War may
have been hailed as a victory of
freedom and democracy, but what was
in fact desperately craved was
stability. President Bush’s talk of
the ‘new world order’, which was the
dominant narrative of the new
international security system at the
time, was just that: talk. His
administration may have used the
rhetoric of Wilson and Carter, but
it thought and acted like Nixon.28
This in practice meant that any
perceived changes to the status quo
were automatically greeted with a
knee-jerk negative reaction,
especially if they were related to
the very existence of states. In the
‘realist’ calculation of the Western
policy makers, any challenge to the
continuing existence of states like
Yugoslavia or the Soviet Union was
accelerating uncertainty at a time
when, more than anything else, the
world needed certainty.
The resulting
Western consensus on the need to
preserve the Yugoslav federation
remained stable until the outbreak
of real hostilities in the summer of
1991. Once the images of tanks on
the streets, refugee columns, and
artillery and aviation attacks on
civilian targets poured onto
television newscasts, this consensus
was gone. Press coverage of the
JNA’s botched ten-day intervention
in Slovenia and of the subsequent
vicious assault of the coalition of
JNA and volunteer Serb forces on
Croatia’s villages and towns like
Vukovar and Dubrovnik led to a
dramatic shift of opinion in all
Western publics.29 However, whereas
the public opinion in the West was
now nearly unanimous on the need for
a diametrically opposite approach of
the Western governments toward
Yugoslavia, a real shift of
perspective took place over the
course of that summer in the foreign
policy apparatus of only one major
Western power: Germany.
This change in
Germany’s view was rooted in the
challenge that the Serbian
aggression presented to the
principled ideas of German foreign
policy makers – ideas which helped
shift the focus away from Germany’s
interests in favour of Yugoslavia’s
preservation.30 Indeed, the nature and
the aims of the Serbian aggression
galvanised some of the most deeply
ingrained principled ideas within
the German foreign policy community:
the idea of peaceful
self-determination (which had been
the basis for Germany’s
reunification), the idea of strong
anti-expansionism and
anti-irredentism (which stemmed from
Germany’s own World War II traumas),
and the idea of a strong commitment
to the growing capability of
European multilateral institutions
(which was the foundation of
Germany’s post–World War II foreign
policy).31 It was Milošević’s
challenge to these three principled
ideas which shifted the spotlight of
German foreign policy makers away
from their material interests in the
continuing existence of Yugoslavia –
and if any country had real material
interests in the perpetuation of the
Yugoslav federation, it was Germany
– to the moral interests of
self-determination for Yugoslavia’s
republics and Europe’s strong
resistance to Serbia’s expansionism.
German foreign policy makers were
the first who understood the
consequences of the available
intelligence and the overwhelming
evidence of Milošević’s plans. They
believed that such open aggression
in the heart of Europe should not go
unchecked and that the best way to
achieve this was by recognising the
independence of the Yugoslav
republics and thus removing the
possible incentive of territorial
expansion from the table.
The result of this
German shift was a profound split
within the Western alliance, which
was compounded by the distrust –
particularly felt in France and
Britain – of the newly reunited
Germany. French foreign policy
makers were deeply troubled by the
pace of Germany’s reunification in
1990 and viewed Germany’s concurrent
active participation in and
enthusiasm for East European
transitions with great concern.
Their primary interest was a
deepening of West European
integration, which was mainly
motivated by an effort to further
bind Germany.32 The end of the Cold
War also had a dramatic effect on
the position of Britain in European
affairs. As William Wallace has
argued, ‘In the Cold War
international order, Britain was the
pivot of “the West,” the essential
partner of the United States in
providing security guarantees to a
beleaguered Western Europe. In the
world which is emerging, its
position looks more like that of
England under Henry VIII: a kingdom
on the edge of a European system,
attempting both to play a part in
continental politics and to assert
its independence of continental
constraints.’33 The primary interest
of the British foreign policy makers
was thus the maintenance of
America’s role in European politics
and security. The British did not
share French enthusiasm for the
extension of West European
integration into security matters
but did share French concerns with
the pace of Germany’s reunification.
Their reasons for these concerns
were, however, different. The
British feared that the position of
‘pivot of the West’ and essential
European partner of the United
States was now going to belong to
the united Germany.34 These profound
systemic divisions among the three
principal European powers led to the
advancement of problematic
historical comparisons exploited by
Milošević’s media machinery and much
too easily perpetuated by Western
policy makers and diplomats.
Germany’s support for Yugoslavia’s
north-western republics was, once
again particularly in France and
Britain, portrayed as grounded in
the old regional alliances from the
two world wars. French and British
foreign policy makers took up these
allegations with real enthusiasm and
used them both publicly and
privately to further the claim that
the West now had to fear a rising
Germany. ‘The days of the “good
Germans” are almost over and… the
world must brace itself for the
worst,’ complained President
Mitterrand at the time.35 Such
arguments, coupled with equally
prejudicial arguments about the
different Yugoslav sides, gave the
West’s diplomatic effort a
particularly unpalatable image.
This image was,
nevertheless, simply a façade for a
much more problematic dynamic in the
West’s involvement in the crisis.
Faced with Germany’s clear policy
shift, France and Britain began to
adjust their preferences regarding
Yugoslavia not based on what was
happening on the ground, but based
on their preferences regarding
Europe and Germany’s role in it. The
French and British mistrust of
Germany, together with their
continuing support for the
preservation of (the largest
possible) Yugoslavia, thus led to a
series of policy choices which gave
Milošević’s regime free reign to
continue its campaign in Croatia and
later Bosnia-Herzegovina. No matter
how obvious the activities of the
war machine under his direct control
throughout the summer and fall of
1991 in Croatia, Milošević was able
to count on France and Britain –
periodically supported by the Bush
administration from the sidelines –
to dilute the decisions and
declarations of the EC. ‘We had no
strategic interest in the Balkans,
no commercial interest, no selfish
interest at all. We simply wished
that quiet should return,’ British
foreign minister Douglas Hurd later
claimed.36 The actions of France, the
UK, and the US, however, led many to
believe that their foreign policy
makers were convinced that quiet
would return only if the stronger
side won. As one German diplomat
noted of the negotiating strategy
used by the proponents of this
school of thought during the period:
‘There was always a certain tendency
of pressuring the weaker party
because the stronger party didn’t
budge.’37 The unwillingness of London,
Paris, and Washington to punish
Serbia for its obvious sponsorship
of the violence in Croatia and its
intransigence at the negotiating
table during the summer and fall of
1991; the constant improvements of
the deals Milošević was getting at
the Conference on Yugoslavia chaired
by Lord Carrington during the
critical months of October and
November of that year; the
institution of the arms embargo
(first by the EC in July 1991 and
then by the UN in September 1991) on
all sides even though it was known
that it heavily favoured the Serbs
and the JNA – all of this and so
much more gave the Western effort an
air of appeasement. The same men who
preached the liberal gospel of
European integration, international
cooperation, and a ‘new world order’
in which no aggression would be
allowed to stand, behind closed
doors argued that ‘only a strong
Serbia can ultimately guarantee
security in the Balkans.’38
In the end, after
more than twenty thousand dead and
hundreds of thousands forced to flee
their homes, Germany managed to push
the EC to recognise Slovenia’s and
Croatia’s independence in January
1992. The war in Croatia came to a
halt. Yugoslavia was no more.
Germany, however, paid a heavy price
for its diplomatic activism. It was
subsequently shoved aside on
practically all matters related to
Europe’s policy in the Balkans.39 Some
of this had to do with a
self-imposed introspection and
withdrawal on the part of the German
foreign policy makers and diplomats,
who were stunned by the level of
criticism to which they were
subjected. Some of it, on the other
hand, had to do with German
diplomats literally being cut out of
the negotiating process. It is
difficult to say whether this
resentment toward Germany actually
had anything to do with the Yugoslav
crisis. Perhaps for those of the
more realist inclination, as one
European official said to the Daily
Telegraph, this had to do with ‘the
recognition of Germany as a
Superpower.’40 And for the others, who
were of a more liberal and
Europeanist conviction, this had to
do with the fact that Germany seemed
to be willing to challenge the EC’s
unity in order to pursue what it saw
as an effective and just policy. As
another European official later
lamented, ‘We could not have solved
the Yugoslav crisis, but at least we
could and should have stayed
together… united in unsuccessful
policy… in failure, but nonetheless
united.’41 The unity of the EC and the
perceived strategic benefits of
maintaining the unity of Yugoslavia,
for many in the Western foreign
policy community seemed to be more
important than what was actually
taking place on the ground.
The catastrophic
consequences of that position are
arguably the greatest lesson of the
whole story of Yugoslavia’s breakup
and the West’s responses to it. This
lesson appears to be particularly
important today, after mixed results
in recent (non-)interventions in
places like Iraq, Libya, or Syria,
and after the strengthening calls in
many quarters for a scaled back
approach to international
intervention. Only two decades ago,
in a crisis taking place in the
heart of Europe, the knee-jerk
reaction of the Western powers was
not only to place the perceived
larger interests of regional
stability ahead of what was
happening on the ground, but also to
privilege the position of those with
the greatest capacity to inflict
violence because of their supposed
importance for the maintenance of
that stability. Indeed, Yugoslavia
is the perfect example of what
happens if the world’s greatest
powers – against available
intelligence, no less – choose to
maintain regional stability by
banking on the local regime with the
biggest stick. This tendency and the
resulting policies reached their
tragic culmination in the genocide
in Srebrenica, which finally seemed
to mark the shift in Western
conceptions of international
intervention and regional stability,
at least in the Balkans. As one
European diplomat put it, ‘We have
progressed mainly through failure.
It is through demonstrable and
rather shameful failures that we get
the energy to do something slightly
better the next time.’42 The lessons
of these shameful failures, however,
are still in danger of being
forgotten.
Dr Josip
Glaurdić is Fellow of Clare College,
University of Cambridge. He is the
author of The Hour of Europe:
Western Powers and the Breakup of
Yugoslavia (Yale University Press,
2011).
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1
This text was first published as “In
pursuit of unity: The West and the
breakup of Yugoslavia,” RUSI
Journal, Vol. 157, No. 1 (2012):
70-77. The author would like to
thank the Royal United Services
Institute, as well as Routledge,
Taylor and Francis Group for their
permission to reissue the article
here. 2
James Addison Baker with Thomas M.
DeFrank, The Politics of Diplomacy:
Revolution, War, and Peace 1989–1992
(New York: Putnam’s, 1995), p.
636–637.
3
John Newhouse, ‘The Diplomatic
Round: Dodging the Problem’, New
Yorker, 24 August 1992, p. 61. |
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4
Lawrence Freedman, ‘Why the West
Failed’, Foreign Policy, No. 97
(1994–1995), p. 54. |
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5
All CIA reports referred to here are
available in the CIA Freedom of
Information Act Electronic Reading
Room at
http://www.foia.cia.gov/search_options.asp.
6
CIA, ‘Yugoslavia: Ethnic Tensions
Still High in Kosovo’, 20 August
1987, p. 1–4.
7
CIA, ‘Yugoslavia: Prospects for
Stability and Economic Recovery – An
Intelligence Assessment’, 1 August
1987, p. 2–4, 10.
8
‘Yugoslavia: Mussovic’, Economist, 8
October 1988, UK Edition, p. 66.
9
CIA, ‘European Brief’, 8 October
1988.
10
CIA, ‘Yugoslavia Transformed’, 1
October 1990, p. 1–23. The findings
of the NIE were at the time leaked
to the press in David Binder,
‘Evolution in Europe: Yugoslavia
Seen Breaking Up Soon’, New York
Times, 28 November 1990, p. A7. |
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11
Based on the report of the Dutch
ambassador in Belgrade Jan
Fietelaars, as presented in Norbert
Both, From Indifference to
Entrapment: The Netherlands and the
Yugoslav Crisis 1990–1995 (Amsterdam
University Press, 2000), p. 74. The
German ambassador in Belgrade
Hans-Jörg Eiff (in whose house this
luncheon took place) confirmed his
colleague’s report. Interview with
Hans-Jörg Eiff, 8 June 2005.
12
‘Mr Hogg’s call on Mr Milošević,
President of the Republic of Serbia,
on 26 February’, 7 March 1991, FCO
document ENU 027/3, FOI Reference
0225–10. |
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13 For a detailed assessment of
the intercepts, see Josip Glaurdić,
‘Inside the Serbian War Machine: The
Milošević Intercepts, 1991-1992’,
East European Politics and
Societies, Vol. 23, No. 1 (2009), p.
86–104. |
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14 Karsten Prager and Massimo
Calabresi, ‘Message from Serbia’,
Time, 17 July 1995. |
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15 Percy Cradock, In Pursuit of
British Interests: Reflections on
Foreign Policy under Margaret
Thatcher and John Major (London: J.
Murray, 1997), p. 35.
16 Interview with Sir Peter
Hall, 22 May 2005.
17 Quoted in Mark Almond,
Europe’s Backyard War: The War in
the Balkans (London: Heineman,
1994), p. 45.
18 As quoted in Both, op.cit.,
p. 71.
19 Warren Zimmermann, Origins of
a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and Its
Destroyers – America’s Last
Ambassador Tells What Happened and
Why (New York: Times Books, 1996),
p. 84; and Robert L. Hutchings,
American Diplomacy and the End of
the Cold War: An Insider’s Account
of U.S. Policy in Europe, 1989-1992
(Washington, D.C.: The Woodrow
Wilson Center Press, 1997), p. 306. |
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20 Based on the accounts of the
two former presidents of
Yugoslavia’s presidency, Raif
Dizdarević and Borisav Jović in Raif
Dizdarević, Od smrti Tita do smrti
Jugoslavije: Svjedočenja (Sarajevo:
Svjetlost, 2000), p. 423; and
Borisav Jović, Poslednji dani SFRJ:
Izvodi iz dnevnika (Belgrade:
Politika, 1996), p. 81.
21 Interview with Sir Peter
Hall, 22 May 2005.
22 UK House of Commons,
‘Yugoslavia’, Hansard, Vol. 193,
Column 1138, 27 June 1991. |
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23 Interview with Budimir
Lončar, 12 May 2006.
24 Jović, op.cit., 269, 272–273.
25 Interview with Gerhard Almer,
2 June 2005. Confirmed in the
interview with the Dutch Foreign
Minister Hans van den Broek, 24 May
2005. |
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26 Michael R. Beschloss and
Strobe Talbott, At the Highest
Levels: The Inside Story of the End
of the Cold War (Boston: Little,
Brown, 1993), p. 35, 51.
27 Quoted in Beschloss and
Talbott, op.cit., 414. Bush’s speech
– issued the day after his meeting
with Gorbachev, where the Soviet
president warned of the Yugoslav
scenario playing out in the USSR –
angered the Ukrainians and found
little support in the United States.
The New York Times called the speech
‘Chicken Kiev’. |
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28 Joseph S. Nye, ‘What New
World Order?’ Foreign Affairs, Vol.
71, No. 2 (1992), p. 84.
29 In the September 1991
Eurobarometer survey, for example,
citizens of EC states were asked to
weigh in on the question of
self-determination and democracy
versus Yugoslavia’s integrity.
Democracy and self-determination won
by 68 percent to 19 percent across
the EC, with only the Greeks
supporting Yugoslavia’s integrity by
39 percent to 36 percent.
Yugoslavia’s integrity also handily
lost among all the Central and East
Europeans, apart from the Romanians.
Commission of the European
Communities, Eurobarometer: Public
Opinion in the European Community,
No. 36 (1991), 39–41, A41. With the
worst yet to come for Croatia in in
the months after this survey, the
strength of public support for the
independence of the Yugoslav
republics was likely even higher
during the fall of 1991.
30 For a useful discussion of
the interaction between principled
ideas and material interests in
foreign policy, see Judith Goldstein
and Robert O. Keohane, ‘Ideas and
Foreign Policy: An Analytical
Framework’, in Ideas and Foreign
Policy: Beliefs, Institutions and
Political Change, ed. Judith
Goldstein and Robert O. Keohane
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1993), p. 16–17.
31 Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye
have argued that ‘Germany had become
reflexively institutionalist: its
institutional ties were viewed as
intrinsic to the Germans’ views of
themselves.’ Robert O. Keohane and
Joseph S. Nye, ‘Introduction: The
End of the Cold War in Europe’, in
After the Cold War: International
Institutions and State Strategies in
Europe, 1989–1991, ed. Robert O.
Keohane, Joseph S. Nye and Stanley
Hoffmann (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1993), p. 10. |
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32 Ronald Tiersky, ‘France in
the New Europe,’ Foreign Affairs,
Vol. 71, Vo. 2 (1992), p. 131.
33 William Wallace, ‘British
Foreign Policy after the Cold War,’
International Affairs, Vol. 68, No.
3 (1992), p. 424.
34 Christopher Coker, ‘Britain
and the New World Order: The Special
Relationship in the 1990s,’
International Affairs, Vol. 68, No.
3 (1992), p. 411. |
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35 Quoted in Hella Pick, ‘A
Master Germany Wants to Lose’,
Guardian, 10 January 1992, p. 19. |
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36 Interview with Douglas Hurd,
11 May 2005.
37 Interview with Geert-Hinrich
Ahrens, 1 July 2005. Ahrens was the
highest ranking German diplomat at
the Conference on Yugoslavia chaired
by Lord Carrington. |
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38 Brendan Simms, Unfinest Hour:
Britain and the Destruction of
Bosnia (London: Penguin Books,
2002), p. 12. |
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39 For a comparison among the
inputs of Germany, France, and the
United Kingdom in Europe’s
diplomatic effort in the Balkans
which convincingly demonstrates that
‘In reality, Bonn has been a team
player, while London and Paris
obstructed the peace process’, see
Sabrina P. Ramet and Letty Coffin,
‘German Foreign Policy toward the
Yugoslav Successor States,
1991–1999’, Problems of
Post-Communism, Vol. 48, No. 1
(2001), p. 48–64.
40 Quoted in Ben Tonra, The
Europeanisation of National Foreign
Policy: Dutch, Danish, and Irish
Policy in the European Union
(Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2001), p.
232.
41 Interview with a former high
official in the European Commission,
June 2005. |
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42 Razgovor s Philippe de
Schoutheete de Tervarentom, 7.
lipnja 2005. |
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